The European Review of International Studies recently published my latest article, entitled “Politicisation, Law and Rights in the Transnational Counter-Terrorism Space: Indications from the Regulation of Foreign Terrorist Fighters” ((2018) 5(3) European Review of International Studies 115). In the article, I extend my ongoing work on transnationalism and counter-terrorism, and especially on the European Union as a relevant counter-terrorism actor. Here is the abstract:
Since 2001 a transnational counter-terrorism space has emerged that is vast in its scale and ambition and which can be discerned at both ‘universal’ (i.e. United Nations) and regional (e.g. European Union) levels, as well as in other formal and informal international organisations (for example the G7 and the Global Counter-Terrorism Forum). This article explores the question of politicisation within that transnational counter-terrorism space, and the potential for meaningful politicisation in respect of initiatives and measures emanating from transnational processes. Taking the example of ‘foreign terrorist fighters’ it argues that a shift in arena to the transnational counter-terrorism space has fundamentally challenged the capacity for effective and meaningful politicisation; that the transnational counter-terrorism space can be depoliticised by design, that where this happens the domestic counter-terrorism space is depoliticised by implication, and that the legal benefits of politicisation may thus be lost to the detriment of rights, legality and accountability.
The paper is available open access in pre-print form from the University of Birmingham, or in final form (£) from the publisher.
Next week my new book, coauthored with my colleague Máiréad Enright, will be published by Policy Press. The book, entitled Repealing the 8th: Reforming Irish Abortion Law, is intended to be an accessible volume for politicians, policy makers, campaigners, and voters in advance of the referendum on repeal of the 8th Amendment which we expect this summer. The book is designed to be affordable (it should be around €10/£10 in the shops and online directly from Policy Press; it will also be available for free online from 7 February 2018), and to connect what sometimes seem like technical, legal debates to real life questions of material well being and reproductive choice. We will be launching the book in The Long Room Hub in Trinity on 27 February 2018, but the launch is now fully sold out.
We have funds to support coming to towns and cities all over Ireland to discuss the book and the referendum with groups, big and small. Anyone who would like to try to organise a visit from us in the run up to the referendum should get in touch on f.delondras[at]bham.ac.uk or by direct message on twitter where I am @fdelond. All we need is for people to be able to host us: advocacy groups, book shops, book clubs, community halls and groups, schools, universities, student groups etc are all welcome to get in touch.
Cross-posted from the University Times
Last week, William Binchy – a long-time anti-choice campaigner in Ireland – affirmed his view that the eighth amendment had “done its job”, so to speak. And it has. It was introduced into the constitution in 1983 to make sure that abortion could never be legalised in Ireland. As a result, pregnant persons in Ireland cannot access a lawful abortion unless they are likely to die without one. This makes ours one of the most restrictive abortion law regimes in the world. Continue reading “This is why repeal matters”
This is cross-posted from HumanRights.ie
In yesterday’s hearing of the Committee on the 8th Amendment to the Constitution talk turned to the idea that a new constitutional provision might be crafted and introduced which would provide that any law on abortion would be immune from constitutional challenge. In his presentation to the Committee, David Kenny made it clear that this was what he took the Citizens’ Assembly to have meant by its recommendation. In my evidence I posited a different interpretation, namely “as a proposal designed to make explicit the power to legislate for abortion to the extent recommended in the legislative proposals made by the Assembly”. On reflection, either understanding is probably sustainable. Reading the transcripts of the Assembly again, I still consider that the concern with ensuring the Oireachtas had “exclusive” competence to make law for abortion was intended to ensure absolute clarity about the power to legislate for the issue, but it could also be interpreted as saying that in doing so the Oireachtas should be empowered to make a law that would be immune from constitutional review. If the latter interpretation were pursued, would this be desirable and what would be the implications? Continue reading “An Abortion Law Immune from Constitutional Review?”